UAE investors are lining up bns of USD for Syria, but the country may only be able to execute one or two megaprojects at a time. Analysts who spoke to EnterpriseAM say the bigger near-term constraint is shifting from investor appetite to execution: Syria still lacks the contractor depth, reliable power, financing capacity, and administrative bandwidth needed to run several large developments in parallel.
“Realistically, the system can carry one or two flagship projects at a time,” Benjamin Fève, senior consultant at Karam Shaar Advisory, tells us. Much of the current pipeline still consists of announcements, MoUs, and framework agreements rather than projects that have reached financial close and mobilized on site, he says — meaning Syria’s ability to absorb several megadevelopments at once is still largely untested.
And the UAE pipeline keeps getting bigger:
- Arada signed a USD 7 bn agreement this month for its 4 mn sqm New Damascus development;
- Mohamed Alabbar is planning up to USD 18 bn through Abu Dhabi-based Eagle Hills across Damascus and Latakia;
- Majid Al Futtaim is keeping an eye on the market;
- Abu Dhabi-based hotel operator Rotana, which was already talking to Syrian developers about potential projects last year, is now considering a return after nearly 12 years away and evaluating two to three prospects, Al Bayan reports.
The push has state backing: UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed and his Syrian counterpart Ahmad Al Sharaa have met several times since the latter took office last year — most recently just this week — as Syria continues to rebuild ties with the Gulf and seek investments.
What UAE investors have going for them
UAE developers are not new to building around thin public infrastructure: Large Gulf developers already have a “strong track record” of delivering master-planned communities with their own roads, power, water, and wastewater systems, Oxford Business Group Global Editor-in-Chief Oliver Cornock tells EnterpriseAM. “Bringing that playbook to Syria means projects like Arada’s and Eagle Hills’ schemes can move on their own timeline rather than being hostage to national grid upgrades,” he adds.
Even on the logistics front: “DP World and CMA CGM are already taking direct stakes in ports rather than waiting for state logistics to catch up,” Cornock says. DP World is already implementing its USD 800 mn Tartous Port overhaul, while AD Ports has agreed to take 20% of Latakia International Container Terminal}, and Abu Dhabi-based National Investment Corporation has lined up a USD 2 bn Damascus metro project. Together, these projects start to address the logistics and transport bottlenecks that larger developments will depend on.
Egypt offers a (partial) precedent: Alabbar’s Marassi developments bundle homes, hotels, retail, marinas, schools, hospitals, and leisure facilities into large integrated destinations, while major North Coast developers are already capable of providing electricity, water, and wastewater infrastructure themselves when public networks lag. But the comparison only goes so far — Egypt has a functional banking system and is not a country emerging from over a decade of war and sanctions.
Still, that playbook could let UAE projects move without waiting for Syria to fix everything first. Developers can internalize infrastructure and bring in foreign EPC firms, materials, specialist labor, and financing rather than relying entirely on thin domestic supply chains, Cornock says.
The trade-off is higher upfront costs — and the possibility that projects become very good at bypassing Syria’s constraints without strengthening the local construction ecosystem, Fève tells us. He added that foreign-backed developments are already arriving with their own contractors and banking support. “The local economy is excluded. Absorption is not improving, and it’s rather been bypassed.”
The developers say Syrians are supposed to be part of the model, not spectators: Alabbar has said Syrians would hold a majority stake in the company ultimately owning his two Eagle Hills developments, alongside the Syrian government and Gulf investors, according to our previous coverage. Arada has similarly said New Damascus is intended to create jobs, develop local skills, and support Syrian businesses.
That makes the real test whether local participation survives execution: If most of the financing, contractors, specialist labor, and key inputs still have to come from abroad, the question is how much of the investment boom actually expands Syria’s own ability to build.
What Syria’s doing (and what it needs to do) to catch up
Syria has activated or created new investment, sovereign, development, and economic policy bodies in an attempt to build absorption capacity, Cornock tells us. But “institutional capacity is understandably still catching up.”
Sanctions relief and restored SWIFT access have improved connectivity across the banking system, as EnterpriseAM Mena+ previously reported, but correspondent banks remain cautious, and constant Financial Action Task Force (FATF) monitoring continues to create compliance friction. Syria’s Finance Ministry is introducing a cross-agency committee to lead the effort to get off the world’s anti-money laundering watchdog’s gray list, with the country due for a review in October.
As things currently stand, though, domestic banks may be able to lend only around USD 5 mn per contractor against projects where bonding requirements alone can reach USD 10-15 mn, Cornock says.
Even a financed project still has to get onto a site: Land ownership and valuations remain contested after years of displacement, some sites still require mine clearance, and Fève flags land titles, permitting, and an opaque tendering process as unresolved hurdles. Cornock says that is helping push investors toward sovereign partners, concessions, and phased delivery rather than assuming a clean path from agreement to groundbreaking.
Power may be the most immediate physical constraint: “Nothing at this scale operates on a grid supplying a few hours a day,” Fève says. Cornock puts current generation at around 1.6 GW versus roughly 9.5 GW before 2011 — and says generation alone will not solve the problem if transmission networks, substations, and grid management cannot keep up.
Contractors and skilled workers are similarly in short supply: Years of emigration have thinned Syria’s pool of engineers, project managers, welders, and other specialist trades, while local salaries struggle to compete with the Gulf, Fève says. Few Syrian contractors have recently delivered projects anywhere close to the scale now being proposed, making imported execution capacity difficult to avoid.
Whatever still has to be sourced locally could also get expensive fast: Fuel, cement, foreign currency, and skilled labor are exactly the inputs multiple megaprojects will compete for. Large foreign-backed developments can outbid Syrian businesses, Fève says, potentially raising wages and production costs for domestic manufacturers and builders.
What’s next
The number to watch is conversion, not headline investment: Cornock says the key test over the next year is how much of the announced pipeline turns into funded contracts and physical works. Airports, ports, power, and water are already showing some early movement, but the challenge is making that repeatable across multiple sectors.
Fève’s scorecard: How many MoUs reach financial close and mobilize on site; how many megawatts are actually commissioned rather than merely signed; whether transparent tendering emerges; and whether Syrian contractors, banks, and industrial companies start getting a meaningful share of the work. Those benchmarks will show whether UAE capital is finding a system that can actually execute at scale — or whether investors are simply getting better at building around the constraints.