First in line

1

OPENING NOTE

Halting the right-wing sweep

Good afternoon, wonderful people. Brazil and Serbia both delivered surprises overnight, as presidential and parliamentary elections saw record turnout numbers in each country to reject right-wing leadership.

Lula da Silva was elected to a fourth term as Brazil’s president, beating his predecessor’s son, Flávio Bolsonaro, in a tight runoff whose result Bolsonaro refuses to recognize. The vote is being framed as a “rebuke to a conservative surge sweeping Latin America” and a “return to the future,” following a string of right-wing leaders winning elections over the past several months across the region. Despite the general jubilation, markets have been less buoyant: A Tokyo-listed Bovespa ETF dropped nearly 15% in Asian trade, and Goldman Sachs sketched an extreme case of the real weakening 10% and Brazilian equities off about 15%.

In Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić conceded defeat in a snap parliamentary election to the student-led movement that has spent the past year protesting against him, on the highest turnout in decades. The Student List is the electoral arm of the movement that began after a railway station canopy collapsed in Novi Sad in November 2024, killing 16 people, and it has spent the two years since turning anger about corruption into a campaign about institutions, Axios reports. It runs on deliberately decentralized leadership and is fronted by a cardiologist, Ilija Srdanović.

Closer to home: Saudi Defense Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman, Pakistan’s army chief Asim Munir and Turkish intelligence director Ibrahim Kalin are scheduled to meet Iranian officials in Tehran today, Reuters, in the Mecca pact’s first high-level contact with Iran since the Kingdom was drawn further into the war. They are expected to see President Masoud Pezeshkian and Supreme National Security Council secretary Mohsen Rezaei.

Pakistan proposed the meeting during Munir’s visit to Tehran last week, according to Al Monitor, and Saudi deputy minister for public diplomacy Rayed Krimly said the trip supports the mediation Qatar and Pakistan are leading. Qatari mediators arrived in Tehran on Sunday in an effort coordinated with Washington. Iranian officials told Munir there would be no talks with the US until Tehran’s demands are met.

On deck for the week: The US Federal Reserve meets tomorrow and Wednesday for its first Open Market Committee meeting after it raised interest rates last month — itself a first in three years. The Fed is widely expected to leave rates on hold this week, particularly as it navigates a delicate balance between persistent inflation and the politics of the upcoming midterm elections. –Salma

2

THE LEDE

A sovereign sukuk and foreign-led reconstruction are about to widen the credit gap for Syria’s small firms

Rebuilding on thin capital: Syria’s private banks hold about USD 795 mn in combined equity — less than 0.4% of the USD 216 bn the World Bank says reconstruction will cost. And they are being asked to fund three things at once: A sovereign sukuk, Syria’s small and medium-sized firms (SMEs), and the rebuild itself. But something has to give — and the SMEs that make up most of Syria’s economy are first in line to lose.

The state’s call on bank liquidity is likely to come first, the four bankers and analysts we spoke with expect. If the first domestic sukuk soaks up what little banks will lend, the small firms that drive Syrian output get crowded out of the credit queue just as reconstruction demand builds, while the biggest reconstruction projects will have to be financed from abroad.

Not everyone thinks that’s the right call. “You’re asking a question of speed, but there’s also one of capacity,” Haddon Barth, director of the Network for Syrian Legislative Studies, tells EnterpriseAM. “Syria’s domestic banks don’t have the capital to fund large-scale reconstruction projects nor to play a significant role in financing the budget, but they do have the capital to lead SME funding in Syria.” He sees that the easier path of lending to the state crowds out the one role banks are actually equipped to play.

IN PERSPECTIVE- Total shareholder equity across all private Syrian banks is roughly the size of a single mid-sized bank in Jordan, Egypt, or Tunisia, Benjamin Fève, founder of The Syria Dispatch, tells us. State-owned banks dominate the system’s assets, and private-sector credit is marginal — the sector-wide picture is thin before you reach the question of who banks can lend to at all.

The state gets first call

Sovereign debt is the easiest ask. The government plans to finance its USD 1.8 bn 2026 deficit mainly through bonds and sukuk, with the first domestic issuance expected no earlier than 4Q 2026. Everyone we spoke with agreed it is the easiest to execute — though Barth doubts banks have the capital to do it at scale. REMEMBER- Syrian banks are putting together a syndicated Islamic sukuk package to fund state-led development projects. The package is being arranged by Al Baraka Bank Syria, QNB Syria, and the state-owned Commercial Bank of Syria, with sovereign backing from the Finance Ministry and the Central Bank of Syria. The details are sparse, with the package size, its interest rate, and tenor not disclosed.

Syria has tried this before, and banks lost money on it. “Banks were paying to hold the issuance,” Issa Chami, chairman of Alpha Capital and a board member at QNB Syria, tells EnterpriseAM. Under former president Bashar Al Assad, state banks took more than 90% of treasury issuance by his estimate, at rates below 10% while inflation ran at roughly 60-70% a year.

The bigger risk now is that banks get comfortable with high exposure to state debt. “Banks possess book liquidity, but it is not free liquidity,” Ibrahim Kochaji, an independent Syrian banking expert, tells EnterpriseAM. Withdrawal ceilings and reserve requirements tie that liquidity up, and buying sukuk “will crowd out the private sector,” he says. “If a safe sovereign yield is available, banks have even less reason to build capacity,” Fève tells us.

And heavy bank participation would itself be a bad signal. “The state might want domestic banks to act as anchor buyers, but it’s a weak signal of attractiveness, and wouldn’t bring in new capital,” Barth says. The mix of buyers will tell investors how much of the demand is real, he adds.

Damascus is also looking beyond local banks. Finance Minister Mohammed Yisr Barnieh told Asharq Business that the government is studying an international sovereign bond issue next year and has opened preliminary talks with international banks.

Small firms wait

SMEs should not be treated as a side quest. They made up about 95% of Syrian enterprises and provided livelihoods for roughly 70% of the workforce before the war, according to the UNDP’s estimate. Today, SMEs account for as much as 85% of the country’s economic activity, the SME Development Authority’s director Ihab Zakour said in August.

Yet historically they have received less than 4% of total credit, Chami tells us. That gap is widened by the state’s crowding-out of lending.

Private banks are sitting on cash they do not lend. By the end of 2024, cash and balances with the central bank and other banks accounted for roughly 80% of private-bank assets, while financing represented just 10% of conventional banks’ assets and 12% of Islamic banks’ assets, Barth tells us.

Unlocking that cash takes stability and someone to share the risk. “Lending in an unstable environment turns into non-performing loans and reproduces the crisis instead of solving it,” Kochaji says. He puts NPL ratios between 45-55% at public banks and 25-35% at private ones. Private-sector credit, by his count, is 6-9% of GDP — among the lowest in the region.

Fève sees credit guarantees as the most promising near-term lever. Syria’s Loan Risk Guarantee Corporation signed a cooperation agreement with Jordan’s Loan Guarantee Corporation in July that is a form of cooperation that could produce a useful technical model, but guarantees only scale if Arab development funds or international lenders carry part of the risk.

ICYMI- The Saudi Fund for Development is expected to sign a USD 406 mn financing package imminently to fund projects in energy, health, housing, roads and services delivery — the opening phase of up to USD 1.5 bn in Saudi-funded projects. The Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development is also mulling a return to the Syrian market, after a hiatus of more than 10 years in which it limited its financing to internationally-backed humanitarian operations in Syria.

While recapitalization and guarantees has been hailed as a possible fix for lending liquidity, Barth thinks they won’t be enough. “There is a tendency in conversations here to assume that expanding the pool of finance will be sufficient — that if foreign banks enter and capital becomes available, credit will naturally reach smaller businesses,” Barth argues. The problem has always been lending to borrowers with poor documentation and unconventional collateral and more capital in the system does not solve that on its own.

The remedy? Dedicated SME lending facilities backed by partial credit guarantees, and reformed public banks that can take on borrowers that commercial banks will not.

Who gets credit is also a political question. “Firms that have cultivated ties to senior government officials will likely fare best, whether in the banking sector or elsewhere,” Steven Heydemann, professor of Middle East studies at Smith College, tells EnterpriseAM. Chami disagrees — “that era of crony capitalism is gone,” he says.

Big-ticket goes offshore

Big-ticket projects are beyond local balance sheets, and the best Syrian banks can do is join on syndicated financing. Fève expects Gulf investors, development funds, and offshore syndicates to finance them, “with a Syrian bank acting as a junior partner at best.” The biggest reconstruction financing reported so far — a USD 7 bn package for power and airports projects led by Qatar-based Power International Holding — is being arranged by JPMorgan, QNB, and Abu Dhabi Commercial Bank.

GO DEEPER- We walked through the Shahba Bank acquisition and the foreign-capital pipeline in our May Lede on Syria’s banking recovery.

Where do we go from here

Gulf strategic money is the route that has started moving. Estithmar Holding’s financial arm completed its purchase of 48.68% of Shahba Bank in September. Most private banks are joint ventures with a regional strategic partner, Chami says, and those partners are also his answer for reconstruction: Project finance “requires a much larger capital and this is where the strategic partner could come in.”

Private banks could add capital fastest, if conditions allow. Kochaji sees local shareholders, Gulf inflows, or hybrid instruments such as convertible bonds as the banks’ best shot. “This path is faster and part of it can be achieved within 12-18 months if monetary stability is present,” he says. In contrast, the capital market route is not expected to deliver. Fève sees little appetite from local shareholders for rights issues, and Chami says banks need a new minimum capital rule — replacing a legal floor of about USD 1 mn — with “a realistic number and timeline” to plan their raises.

State-bank restructuring is the slowest route, but the most critical long-term. Oliver Wyman’s Qatar-backed review of the six public banks has finished only its first phase, Fève tells us. Options recommended by the US-based consulting firm include joint-stock conversion, privatization, and partnerships with Arab or foreign banks. Among them, Barth favors joint-stock conversion: “That lets the state preserve ownership and maintain the bank’s development mandate.” The specialized banks, he says, “were created to finance producers whom commercial lenders overlook.” Kochaji would move bad loans into a separate portfolio and inject capital “from the state or through sovereign debt instruments.”

Some restructuring is already underway: The Syrian government issued Decree 70 in March, waiving interest and penalties on defaulted state-bank loans. Barth reads it as a debt-recovery measure, adding that it could help clean up bank balance sheets. What it won’t do, however, is that “it won’t jump-start lending, because it neither injects fresh capital nor resolves the pre-war weaknesses in borrower assessment and lending practices,” he adds.

What’s next: The first domestic sukuk, due in 4Q 2026 but possibly slipping to 2027 according to Fève, will show whether buyers beyond state banks turn up — and heavy bank participation would itself be the warning sign, not the fix. Also watch for a decision on the state banks and a new minimum capital rule. Until banks are recapitalized and their liquidity freed, Kochaji warns, they “remain spectators of the economy rather than its financiers.”

3

Tech

Oman becomes the Gulf’s newest AI compute destination with two data center deals in a week

Oman emerged this week as the Gulf’s newest destination for AI compute, with two major data center projects announced within a few days. UK infrastructure developer Yamna signed a USD 1.3 bn framework with the Transport and Communications Ministry to build an AI data center in Salalah, and a consortium led by Omani conglomerate Mubbadrah Investment unveiled a USD 3 bn, 400 MW AI data center project.

Meet the projects and its builders

Yamna is building on an existing footprint. The Salalah project — Salalah Al Khadra Digital — is pitched as a power-and-compute campus bolted onto Yamna’s existing Salalah Al Khadra Hydrogen development, a green hydrogen and ammonia project awarded through competitive auction in 2024. Yamna is UK-founded and backed by British investment funds.

Mubbadrah is making a more mature pitch, with a possible offtaker and several foreign partners who bring in AI infrastructure experience. UK sustainable-finance boutique Sustopia Capital — which claims a 5 GW data center platform spanning Denmark, the US, and the UK — will provide the financing; US construction specialist Vela Tech will take on the building; and O2 Global Energy will develop 400 MW of co-located solar generation and battery storage to power the project. And US-based, Mubadala-backed AI compute firm Crusoe — the lead developer of OpenAI and Oracle’s Stargate campus in Abilene, Texas — has signalled interest in taking off the Oman capacity, with the consortium expecting a formal offtake agreement in the coming weeks — a close that could mark Crusoe’s first offtake in our region.

This will also be Mubaddrah’s first AI foray: The conglomerate was founded in Muscat in 2005 by Yasser Al Barami and Hilal Al Busaidy and holds investments across energy, mining, real estate, healthcare, and IT in Oman, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Yemen, and Kuwait.The data center project is the group’s first move that we know of into digital infrastructure.

Why this matters

The projects from Oman come a few days after Saudi announced offtake and expansions on some of its AI projects — a signal that demand on the region’s AI buildout remains robust despite the headwinds from the war. Nasdaq-listed cloud provider Nebius signed a preliminary framework to take up to 50 MW of capacity — half of the 100 MW initial phase — at the Oxagon giga-campus being built by Humain and DataVolt. And Nvidia is nearly doubling its compute supply to Humain to as much as 84 MW of compute — some 27k GPUs, with a 50 MW block reserved for an unnamed US client.

REMEMBER- Humain is trying to reduce its reliance on PIF shareholder funding as it targets 1.7 GW of 2027 capacity and 3 GW by 2030. CEO Tareq Amin’s playbook is to lock in paying tenants first and use the contracted demand to raise outside financing, including a planned domestic data-center fund seeking an initial USD 2.5 bn, subject to regulatory approval. Nebius is the first proof point for that model.

Still, a prolonged state of insecurity in the region may complicate the GCC’s AI ambition down the line, as international developer boards become more cautious and selective about adding more Gulf exposures, industry experts told our AI + Innovation desk last week. But so far, the war didn’t dent progress on current projects, with construction in Saudi and UAE ongoing throughout the year despite supply chain disruptions, the experts added.

4

Banking

The compromise that held Libya’s central bank together unravels as Naji Issa tenders his resignation

Libya’s central bank governor is out. What now? Libya’s eastern-based House of Representatives approved on Thursday the resignation of Central Bank of Libya (CBL) Governor Naji Issa and backed board member Fowzi Musbah Abukhzam to replace him on an interim basis, pending ratification.

The resignation is part of a Haftar family play to consolidate control over the country’s sovereign money institution. “The new nominee is ‘100% pro-Saddam Haftar,’” Jalel Harchaoui, a Libya analyst at the Royal United Services Institute, tells us, referring to the eastern commander’s son, who runs Libyan National Army ground forces and has become the family’s operational face.

Issa’s departure matters because it suggests that the compromise that put him in the chair is unraveling. Issa took the job in 2024 when the House and Tripoli-based High Council of State (HCS) jointly agreed on his appointment — the agreement that ended the previous stand-off over control of the central bank. He submitted his resignation in August without explaining why, and both chambers initially asked him to stay until the issue could be discussed.

It also means control of Libya’s oil revenues could shift to the eastern factions led by the Haftars. The CBL is the only Libyan institution that touches every USD of oil revenue — around 90% of state income. Whoever controls it signs off on spending, allocates FX, and decides whose budget priorities get funded.

Two forced-entry incidents on sovereign financial institutions the same week sharpened the stakes. Militants forcibly entered the CBL on Thursday and breached the governor’s office, the bank said in a statement that held the Defense Ministry responsible for failing to secure the building. The day before, masked men in military uniform also stormed the headquarters of Libya’s Audit Bureau, the body charged with safeguarding public funds. The UN mission in Libya called it an “unacceptable” attempt to install a disputed deputy head of the institution by force.

The response from Tripoli split the west in public. Naji Mukhtar Ali, first deputy of the HCS, rejected what he called “unilateral measures” by the House presidency and told Issa to stay, only to be later contradicted on the same day by HCS head Mohamed Takala, who wrote to Abukhzam to ask him to assume the governor’s duties on an interim basis pending a joint east-west agreement on a permanent appointment, Reuters reports.

REMEMBER- Earlier this month, we reported on a public dispute between the CBL and the National Oil Corporation (NOC) over October’s oil revenues, in which USD 839 mn of the USD 1.2 bn the NOC said it had transferred to the bank was unaccounted for. The gap — whether an accounting one or an actual leakage — remains unresolved.

The rift over controlling the CBL shows the limits of a unified budget without a unified government. Issa, now-former governor, had publicly flagged this risk, warning that Libya’s first unified budget in 13 years — announced in April under pressure from the Trump administration — was being asked to do work that only a unified political authority could do. He pointed at pressure to raise spending from the country’s two factions and persisting structural economic problems as two major problems preventing fiscal progress, as we previously reported.

What’s next: The next House session and the HSC public stance on the final appointee will be the ultimate test. If parliament ratifies Abukhzam’s appointment and the HSC backs the candidate, the Haftar family’s preferred candidate takes the chair with cross-camp cover. If no consensus is reached, Libya risks going back to two rival central bank governors — a scenario the country lived through before and one that usually disrupts fiscal and FX stability.

5

Regulation Watch

Constitutional Council annuls three articles of Lebanon’s amended Bank Recovery Law

Lebanon’s banking reform back to square one? Lebanon’s Constitutional Council has unanimously struck down Article 3 of the country’s amended Bank Recovery and Restructuring Law — the clause that defines what the reform is for — upholding an appeal filed by President Joseph Aoun against. The council also annulled two phrases from Articles 19 and 27 of the law citing unconstitutionality — one authorizing travel bans on bank shareholders, directors, and senior managers of banks in liquidation, and another shielding bank staff who comply with Higher Banking Commission orders from civil or criminal action.

Article 3 was annulled over procedural problems, not because of its contents. The council found that the article was passed without securing the parliamentary majority required for its passage. At the center of the procedural failure was tension over how to refer to Lebanon’s Code of Money and Credit, the provision that frames Banque du Liban’s (BdL) institutional powers. The final version retained a vague referral to the code, and added a reference to international standards — likely a response to the IMF’s criticism that the current Code of Money and Credit is “outdated and out of step with international best practice,” Lebanese French daily L’Orient Le Jour reports.

REMEMBER- We reported earlier this month that Aoun referred Article 3 to the council, objecting to the provision’s treatment of the Code of Money and Credit and its implications for the central bank’s future powers and independence.

The ruling now sends the three annulled provisions back to a parliament that was barely able to pass the law to begin with. A fresh vote on Article 3 will reopen the fight over how tightly the new reform is tethered to BDL’s existing legal powers — the same question that has pitted central bank Governor Karim Souaid against ministers and MPs over the composition and independence of the Higher Banking Authority, the body meant to steer restructuring.

That’s a setback for Lebanon’s scramble to secure IMF financing. After the multilateral lender’s managing director Kristalina Georgieva said that progress is being made over a financing package, restarting parliamentary procedures and voting over some of the law’s passages prolongs the time needed for Lebanon’s to reach the finish line. The amendments will now return to the Finance and Budget Committee before any floor vote, with no timeline yet set. That also delays the Financial Gap Law, the piece of legislation that would determine who pays for depositors assets and the thing that the IMF has made clear Lebanon needs to get right before any new financing.

6

MARKETS + DEALS

XRG, OIA and the EBRD broaden their reach as mandates widen past home markets

The theme of the day is investors widening their mandates beyond home markets. The EBRD’s new Egyptian vehicle with Scatec is cleared to finance across the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean. XRG has gone to Eni for Libyan oil and gas after Azerbaijan, Venezuela, and Texas, as it looks to push growth outside the Gulf. Meanwhile, Oman’s sovereign wealth fund is moving from country-by-country JVs to a single fund covering five.

The EBRD is committing up to USD 221 mn for 40% of a new vehicle holding Scatec’s Egyptian renewables projects. Scatec keeps 60% of Egypt Renewables Holdings B.V. under a share purchase agreement, according to statements from Scatec and the EBRD (pdf). The vehicle can also finance projects across the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean, the EBRD says.

The two sides describe the money differently. The EBRD calls the full USD 221 mn (EUR 191 mn) an equity investment. Scatec puts roughly USD 170 mn of it in equity and the rest in project-level guarantees.

What it holds: 40% of the 1.1 GW Obelisk solar and storage plant, 51% of the 900 MW Shadwan wind farm, and about 60% each of phase 1 of the Egypt Aluminium (Dandara) project and Energy Valley, a 1.95 GW solar plant with 3.9 GWh of storage, per Scatec, with minority co-investors alongside. The EBRD puts the portfolio at an additional 2.7 GW of solar, 900 MW of wind, and 4.2 GWh of storage for Egypt’s grid — Energy Valley alone is most of that solar and almost all of the storage, by our math.


XRG is in early talks to buy a stake in Eni’s Libyan oil and gas business. Adnoc’s international investment arm has approached the Italian group about its Libya operations, Reuters reports, citing two people familiar with the matter.

What’s on the table: Eni has worked in Libya since 1959 through Mellitah Oil & Gas, its joint venture with the National Oil Corporation, and the country produced 162k boe / d for it last year, about 10% of group output. Eni recently completed the Bouri Gas Utilization Project, which will send around 700 mn cbm a year of recovered gas into the Libyan market, with spare capacity earmarked for export to Europe.

The war has made growing outside the Gulf more urgent, one source told Reuters. XRG has bought into Azerbaijan’s Absheron gas and condensate field, an offshore gas field in Venezuela, and the Rio Grande LNG terminal in Texas, and is targeting 20-25 mn tons a year of LNG capacity by 2035. It already works with Eni and Argentina’s YPF on a USD multi- bn LNG project there.


Oman’s sovereign fund is leading a USD 500 mn fund for Central Asia and the Caucasus. The Oman Investment Authority has pulled together a consortium of sovereign wealth funds and institutional investors for an early-November launch, with an Omani manager running it and a mandate across Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, Oman Observer reports.

It is the first multilateral vehicle Oman has led in the region. Until now, it has gone in bilaterally with sovereign funds and state-backed partners — a USD 200 mn joint fund with Azerbaijan Investment Holding, a USD 150 mn JV with Kazakhstan’s Samruk-Kazyna, and a 15-year-old Uzbek-Oman platform worth some USD 266.7 mn as of 2025. The new fund is about 81% of those three combined.


PayTabs Group has signed an MoU to buy SeaPay from Saudi-listed Arab Sea Information System. Arab Sea would sell its entire holding in wholly owned Arab Sea Financial, which trades as SeaPay, to the payment processor, Argaam reports. The MoU runs six months from signing or until a final sale and purchase agreement, whichever comes first. Neither side has put a price tag on the transaction yet.


Saudi fractional property platform Ghanem has raised USD 1.5 mn in a pre-seed extension, taking the round to USD 8.6 mn. Real estate companies and strategic angels joined the extension, which builds on the USD 7.1 mn it raised last November with Al Romaih Group, it said in a press release (pdf). The money goes to product development, widening the range of properties, and partnerships.

The platform now plugs into the Real Estate Registry, where investors’ fractional stakes are registered in their own names. Ghanem has issued digital deeds to 580 investors in its first income-generating property and started paying out rental income, against the SAR 1 bn of assets under management it told us last year it was targeting within three years.

REMEMBER- Ghanem is still inside the Real Estate General Authority’s regulatory sandbox, and its path to a permanent licence depends on a national tokenization law, CEO Saleh Alghamdi told our Saudi desk in April. He said then it expected to open to non-Saudi investors this year and was looking at tokenizing off-plan properties with the regulator.

Market Snapshot

Tadawul -2.7% • ADX -1.2% • DFM -1.4% • EGX30 -3.6%

Brent USD 116.72 / bbl • Gold USD 4,008 / oz • USD / SAR 3.75 • USD / EGP 55.90

7

DIPLOMACY

Masdar puts UAE’s EUR 15 bn Greece pledge into motion with a 550 MW solar buy and a Khazna data center tie-up

UAE’s pledge to invest EUR 15 bn in Greece is seeing its first actions through Masdar. The Abu Dhabi-owned renewables giant has agreed to buy and develop a 550+ MW solar project from Lightsource BP, which it describes as one of Greece’s largest. Masdar also signed on with Khazna Data Centers to explore supplying clean power to green data centers in the country, according to an Abu Dhabi Media Office statement. The value of the acquisition wasn’t disclosed.

IN CONTEXT- Masdar’s moves came a few days after Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed’s visit to Greece, where the UAE announced plans to invest EUR 15 bn in the EU country, state news agency Wam reported. The visit also saw UAE and Greek companies sign 18 MoUs and commercial partnerships, covering digital infrastructure and AI, renewables and clean-energy infrastructure, logistics, transport and ports, industry, healthcare, life sciences, and food security.

REMEMBER- Masdar already has a major foothold in Greece: Masdar acquired a 70% stake in Greek renewables developer Terna Energy in November 2024, valuing the company at EUR 3.2 bn, before taking ownership in April 2025. The new solar project is its first strategic investment through Terna, which serves as its expansion platform across Southeastern and Central Europe.

The project is due online by the end of 2026 and will generate enough electricity to power more than 200k homes, according to the statement. Masdar plans to add battery storage to balance supply and demand. The acquisition also includes two substations that connect the project to Greece’s transmission grid. Closing is expected before year-end, pending regulatory approval.

The data center play is still at an early stage: Masdar and G42-owned Khazna will explore developing green data centers in Greece, supported by dedicated renewable power and battery storage, to serve rising electricity demand from AI and cloud computing. No investment value, capacity, or timeline was announced. Khazna is already working with Italy’s Eni on a planned 500 MW data center in Italy, alongside its expansion into Saudi Arabia.

MEANWHILE- Investors are lining up for Masdar: Masdar priced a USD 600 mn five-year blue bond last week at 115 bps over US Treasuries. That was tighter than initial guidance of c. 130 bps, after orders topped USD 1.4 bn, or more than twice the issue size, Zawya reports. The notes settle this Thursday, 29 October, mature in October 2031, and will list on the London Stock Exchange’s International Securities Market.


October 2026

25-27 Oct — World Investment Forum 2026. Qatar

27-28 Oct — US Federal Reserve Open Market Committee meeting.

29 Oct — Central Bank of Egypt monetary policy decision. Egypt

November 2026

1 Nov — Revolution Anniversary (public holiday, markets closed). Algeria

2 Nov — Abu Dhabi International Petroleum Exhibition + Conference (ADIPEC) opens (through 5 Nov). UAE

2-5 November (Monday-Thursday): Adipec, Adnec Center, Abu Dhabi.

2-6 November (Monday-Friday): Dubai Future Finance Week, Dubai.

6 Nov — Green March Anniversary (public holiday, markets closed). Morocco 19 Nov — Jordan-EU Investment Conference. Jordan

16 Nov — Cityscape Global begins (through 19 Nov). Saudi Arabia

24-26 Nov — Libya International Energy Conference and Exhibition (LIBYES 2026). Libya

December 2026

4-6 December (Friday-Sunday): Formula 1 Abu Dhabi Grand Prix, Abu Dhabi.

8-9 December (Tuesday-Wednesday): Capital Market Summit, Madinat Jumeirah, Dubai.

8-9 December (Tuesday-Wednesday): Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) meeting.

7-10 December (Monday-Thursday): Abu Dhabi Finance Week, Al Maryah Island, Abu Dhabi.

17 Dec — Central Bank of Egypt monetary policy decision. Egypt

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